If you don’t like it, leave — for a price

Immigration, Libertarian Theory, Taxation, The Basics
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A common retort that libertarians, even minarchists, hear when criticizing ‘their’ government is “If you don’t like it, then just leave.”1 Indeed, residency is perceived to be one piece of evidence (among others, like voting, paying taxes, etc.) for one’s implicit consent to the state and its rules. Just leave. As if there are better alternatives. Or, as if ‘their’ country being the least bad option somehow justifies its government. Just leave. They make it sound so simple, don’t they? If only it were. Unfortunately, states are not so keen on letting their slaves get away so easily, free and clear.


  1. Thanks to Stephan Kinsella for reminding me of the especially vulgar “AMERICA: LOVE IT OR LEAVE IT!!!” He tells me he typically responds with “No, if you don’t like it that I get to stay here and bitch about it, then you leave.” This works in the United States, but not in every country. 

If you don’t like it, leave — for a price Read Post »

Private Discrimination, Rand Paul, and the Civil Rights Act of 1964

Political Correctness, Racism, Statism
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I’m no fan of electoral politics, and never did think Rand Paul was a consistent libertarian or even as libertarian as his father, Ron Paul–though his recent remarks on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 make me think he may be more libertarian than he feels he can admit publicly. I don’t agree with many of his stated positions, but of late he’s being attacked for what is most libertarian: his view that private businesses have a right to discriminate on their own property (see, e.g., attacks by the monstrous Paul Krugman and an editorial from the New York Times).

Libertarians can debate whether the portions of the CRA64 that prohibit states and municipalities from discriminating on the basis of race, gender, etc., are libertarian or constitutional. As for the latter, the Fourteenth Amendment was illegally ratified, making legislation enacted pursuant thereto, such as the CRA64, unconstitutional (for more on the ratification issue, see Gene Healy’s The Squalid 14th Amendment). As for the former: libertarian centralists naively favor the federal government having broad powers to supervise the states, while libertarian decentralists and anarchists fear the central state and favor decentralization (see my posts Libertarian Centralists; The Libertarian Case Against the Fourteenth Amendment; Healy on States’ Rights and Libertarian Centralists; The Heroic Gene Healy on the 14th Amendment: “If this be heresy—then make the most of it!”; see also the insightful comments of J.H. Huebert quoted here).

But there can be no doubt that the provisions of the law that prohibit racial and other discrimination by private businesses in employment or accommodation (such as hotels and restaurants) are manifestly unlibertarian and unjust. Sadly, however, some libertarians actually endorse the state’s infringement on property rights as embodied in this law. Most of the prominent libertarian defenders of the unlibertarian aspects of the CRA64 seem to be associated with the Cato Institute, and include Brink Lindsey (see Cato Scholar Scolds Rand Paul, Gives OK to Soup Nazi; Lindsay’s stance is perhaps not surprising given his pro-war views), David Bernstein, Richard Epstein, and Roger Pilon (see my post Libertarian Centralists–Pilon’s stance is not too surprising, given his defense of the Police America Act). (Julian Sanchez, in a somewhat maundering article, seems to weakly defend Paul, but I’m not sure.) I don’t know if such a major deviation from libertarianism arises from shaky foundations (such as utilitarianism), naivety about the ability of the central state to do justice, or fear of a politically-correct backlash, but it’s pretty sad that a leftist is better on this issue than some libertarians–I have in mind Robert Scheer, who gave a surprisingly good and quasi-libertarian defense of Rand Paul on KCRW’s Left, Right and Center last week–he tears apart the Rand-bashing of his co-hosts Ariana Huffington (who drops the PC racism junk) and Tony Blankley (who says he agrees “intellectually” with Paul but still calls him a kook); see also Scheer’s article Who’s Afraid of Rand Paul? (Even John Fund and Aayan Hirsi Ali, both who seem libertarianish, gave a decent defense of Paul on the latest Bill Maher show, if memory serves). See also the partial transcription of Scheer’s remarks here:

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Was it worth it?

Democracy, Education, Finance, Vulgar Politics
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Well, as predicted (by me), in pursuit of one of Connecticut’s US Senate seats, Peter Schiff wasted a lot of time and money, and was forced to refrain from making several television appearances on financial news programs (due to campaign laws). He placed an embarrassing third:

Former professional wrestling maven Linda McMahon capped an improbable entry into politics Friday night when she captured the Republican Party endorsement for the U.S. Senate during a raucous Republican convention at the Connecticut Convention Center.

McMahon edged former U.S. Rep. Rob Simmons after dozens of delegates switched their votes at the conclusion of the first ballot. She received 737 votes to 632 for Simmons and 44 for economist Peter Schiff.

Was it worth it? Read Post »

An Astounding New Theory of Regulation

Corporatism, Democracy, Legal System
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The usual theory for the need of regulation — and by this I mean micromanaging regulation, not the erection and maintenance of rule-of-law standards — is “market failure.” Economists of a skeptical bent note that most of the egregious practices that seem to require regulation are better seen as simple acts of rights violations (as in the case of fraud) or rational acts in a context where rights have not been firmly established (as in a property commons). The rational response, in both cases, would be to install and maintain institutional practices that define and defend rights, property rights in particular.

Against this position, Paul Krugman:

[T]he libertarian alternative to regulation — just use tort law to make people pay for the damage they cause — doesn’t work in practice, because when push comes to shove politicians will shield the rich and powerful from paying the real cost.

So Krugman’s case for robust regulation is not market failure, nor institutional failure due to a lack of articulation of good rules, but, instead, a clear-cut case of political failure. The market could work, he’s saying, if politicians would let basic government institutions (legal adjudication, in particular) and employees do their work.

Quite an admission, it seems to me.

I have not been following Krugman’s posts on the subject. But he goes on to relate the state of the debate he’s having on his blog:

Commenters say, but isn’t that an equally strong reason to believe that regulation won’t work either?

And at this point we should expect a careful refutation of Kenneth Arrow’s mathematical demonstration why democratic politics cannot ever articulate a constant standard.

No such luck. Instead we get this:

Well, here’s the thing: regulation demonstrably does work where tort law doesn’t. Consider the environmental issue: in reality, the perpetrators of oil spills never pay most of the cost; but in reality, environmental regulation has led to much cleaner air and water. (Look up the history of Los Angeles smog or the fate of Lake Erie if you don’t believe me.)

So why does regulation work? If polluters can buy off the system ex post, after a disaster, why don’t they manage to totally corrupt regulation ex ante? There’s a lot to say about that, and I’m sure there’s a literature I haven’t read. But one thing we tend to forget in this age of Reagan is the importance and virtues of a dedicated bureaucracy: when you have professional government agencies with a job to do, and treat them with respect, that job often gets done.

Regulation does work better in some cases. That seems easy to explain. Why does it work as well as it does? Because it’s allowed to.

It’s rather like saying “private guards and adjudicators cannot control crime as well as the thugs we place on the police force, because our police force regularly beats up the private guards and adjudicators.”

Or saying, as some antebellum whites did say, “Africans-Americans are not capable of learning, so we must keep them as slaves,” while preventing them from accessing the tools of education.

And yes, there’s a vast literature that Krugman has not read. I haven’t read all of it, either. But I’m at least aware of it, and can provide citations, should Krugman actually have an interest in doing some actual research, rather than shoot from the hip.

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Sticks and Stones and All That

Vulgar Politics
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You can always count on The Huffington Post for ridiculous ideological one-upmanship. Latest case in point? A short piece on Tim Kaine:

DNC Chairman Tim Kaine took to the National Press Club on Wednesday to gloat about the showing of Democrats in primary contests the night before. In the process he offered the usual platitudes: the party was rewarded for offering solutions to the economic malaise; enthusiasm is up as evidence of turnout in the Kentucky Democratic primary; Republicans find themselves in an ideological civil war, with Tea Party candidates knocking out establishment candidates, and so on.

The most interesting (least spun) tidbit of wisdom, however, came when Kaine was asked to address the common conservative complaint that the Obama administration represents socialism in disguise. Had the label hurt the party or the president, a questioner wanted to know.

“People love to throw label around and I think for most thinking Americans, throwing that label around actually doesn’t hurt us,” Kaine replied. “It suggests an extremism and an ideological rigidity that isn’t where most Americans are. We are problem solvers.”

Most Americans are problem solvers, or are just the Democrats?

“A party that just relies on throwing labels around and refusing to cooperate, they might get a headline but they won’t get support of people,” he added. “We are going to promote smart solutions to these problems and If the other guys want to rely on labels rather than roll up their sleeves and actually help us govern a nation at a time when governance is needed — it is an abdication of responsibility but they are not going to help their case by doing that.”

Really? I mean, really? Is any of this credible?

Sure, “socialism” is an over-used taunt. The “we’re all in this together” intent of socialist doctrine is missing from the ultra-big-government “smart” solutions that Democrats push. It is more like what Democrats have long accused the Republicans, of supporting “free markets for the poor, but socialism for the rich” (a not-very accurate description of the services available for the poor, or the habits of many of the rich), only turned on its head: The socialism of the Democrats is a “socialism of the well-connected and the ‘too big to fail,’” leaving the rest of us with a hobbled market.

But, hey, I am on record as deprecating “socialism” in most modern cases for “dirigisme,” or what Mises called “interventionism.”

So I agree with Kaine, right?

Wrong.

Sticks and Stones and All That Read Post »

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