It Came From the Swamp

Vulgar Politics
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All my life I’ve heard the same story: Socialism works in Scandinavia. The usual example of this practical central planning is Sweden. But occasionally someone notices that Finland is run along a similar model, and, except for the high incidence of alcoholism and suicide, we’re told that the Finns are happy and healthy and all-around moral exemplars. The most recent example of this Finnophilia comes from Newsweek, which proclaimed the small country “the world’s best.”

I’ve had to hear this more than most people, since I’m as Finn as an American can get — without speaking the bizarre language. All my grandparents were Finnish, and, as near as I can tell, all my great-grandparents were born in Finland. I certainly look Finn, and I possess many of the alleged Finnish “national” traits, such as stubbornness (yes, I am going to continue doing this) and emotional reserve (no, I don’t want to hug you).

But there have been several reasons for my skepticism about the Finnish paradise.

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Paley & Doctorow argue over Non-Commercial licenses

IP Law
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Nina Paley, a creative artist and anti-copyright innovator, creator of Sita Sings the Blues (see The Creator-Endorsed Mark as an Alternative to Copyright; Interview: Nina Paley on Copyright; Nina Paley’s “All Creative Work is Derivative”; Power to the Pixel 2009: Nina Paley), has posted on her blog a fascinating exchange with Cory Doctorow about the merits of using the Creator-Endorsed Mark (see my post The Creator-Endorsed Mark as an Alternative to Copyright) instead of more restrictive, copyright-based licenses.

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Voting, Moral Hazard, and Like Buttons

Anti-Statism, Democracy, Libertarian Theory, Vulgar Politics
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I was reading Sarah Lacy’s “If You’ve Got Social Media Fatigue, UR DOIN IT WRONG” on TechCrunch and was reminded of a passage from Henry David Thoreau’s seminal essay “Civil Disobedience” that I discuss in chapter 6 of my dissertation.

First the passage from Lacy’s article:

Sometimes metrics can be a bad thing and beware of any so-called “social media consultant” who tells you otherwise. What’s the value of a Retweet or a Like? It’s roughly the equivalent to sitting next to someone during a keynote who nods his head at a salient point. Someone hitting a button in front of them is hardly a heady endorsement—nowhere near the impact of someone calling you to tell you about a story he read. That actually takes more than one-second of attention and work.

This reminded me of the moral hazards of voting in electoral politics and Thoreau’s likening it to a sort of gambling with morality:

All voting is a sort of gaming, like chequers or backgammon, with a slight moral tinge to it, a playing with right and wrong, with moral questions; and betting naturally accompanies it. The character of the voters is not staked. I cast my vote, perchance, as I think right; but I am not vitally concerned that that right should prevail. I am willing to leave it to the majority. Its obligation, therefore, never exceeds that of expediency. Even voting for the right is doing nothing for it. It is only expressing to men feebly your desire that it should prevail. A wise man will not leave the right to the mercy of chance, nor wish it to prevail through the power of the majority. There is but little virtue in the action of masses of men. When the majority shall at length vote for the abolition of slavery, it will be because they are indifferent to slavery, or because there is but little slavery left to be abolished by their vote. They will then be the only slaves. Only his vote can hasten the abolition of slavery who asserts his own freedom by his vote.

With this last sentence Thoreau is no longer really speaking of voting, as becomes clear later on when he writes “Cast your whole vote, not a strip of paper merely, but your whole influence.” He is advocating civil disobedience and participatory democracy.1


  1. For more on participatory democracy, see chapters 6 & 7 of my dissertation 

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Regarding Libertarian Strategy: A Reply to Ross Kenyon

Anti-Statism, Libertarian Theory, Statism
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Although I find Kenyon’s analysis of the radical socialists interesting, ultimately I disagree with his categorization of libertarianism’s 3 options:

  • Libertarians can allow themselves to be absorbed into the Republican Party and work to expand the Liberty caucus.
  • Libertarians can abandon the Republican Party to work exclusively through the Libertarian Party.
  • Libertarians can jettison electoral politics altogether and refuse to be governed by majoritarianism and statism.

The first one will happen to the Tea Party movement. The second one is not workable, as the author admits.  Nothing can be done about either.  As for the truly radical approach, we are not violent revolutionaries and are never going to be.

What’s missing from that article is something fundamental — people get the government they deserve.  We need to make this country deserve better.  If a choir chants “we” in chorus, it is still the individuals speaking.  Unless libertarians actively change individuals, society will not budge.

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Article: What Libertarians Should Learn From Radical Socialists

Anti-Statism, Articles, History
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Ross Kenyon analyzes the radical socialist movement of the Progressive Era in an attempt to discern why they failed and how libertarians can learn from their failures in order to create the ideal libertarian society today.

Ross Kenyon is a news analyst with the Center for a Stateless Society and a senior at Arizona State University, where he is majoring in American History and is a member of the ASU Students For Liberty leadership team.

Read the Full Article by Ross Kenyon

Afterwards, discuss it below.

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