The Corrosive Effects of IP

Corporatism, IP Law, Pop Culture, Protectionism
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Libertarian thought has largely moved against IP in recent years, largely due to the groundbreaking work of Stephan Kinsella. Kinsella’s work is a powerful defense of genuine property rights and a thorough repudiation of government-granted monopolies. One of the overlooked implications of the rights violations inherent in intellectual property laws is the terrible effect of copyright laws and government spectrum licensing on culture.

Social conservatives have long attacked the media for promoting immoral behavior. This is often quite correct. Their statist worldview has made them ill-equipped to understand the nature of the problem, and the correct solution. With laws which establish monopolies, a number of problems naturally follow. Let me illustrate this by comparing the world of professional music today and about 200 years ago. During the days of Beethoven and Mozart, musicians earned a living from performances, patronage, and, perhaps most importantly, teaching. In a world without public schools, they taught the children of the wealthy. This required them to present themselves to those people in a way which would appeal to them. Contrast that with today. Musicians are promoted by a few major record labels, and intellectual property laws mean that they have to be paid whenever their works are played or purchased. There is a greatly diminished requirement for ongoing work and constant customer relations. The fact that a relatively few people who run the labels and own the radio and television stations, act essentially as gatekeepers to popular culture, means that a tiny cabal of entertainment executives are able to drive the culture down paths of their choosing. IP, spectrum licensing and other media regulations are largely to blame for the oft-cited decline of Western culture.

 

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IP As Intellectual Laziness, Skewed Business Models

Business, Corporatism, IP Law, Protectionism, Technology
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We have heard it said that IP causes people to “rest on their laurels.” What this means is that intellectual property causes entrepreneurial laziness in at least two ways. The first, and the one that is often mentioned in IP abolitionist circles is that there is less pressure for the original innovator to continue to innovate–IP legislation artificially generates profits above market rates, and there are fewer competitors willing to enter the market. The second way in which intellectual property fosters entrepreneurial laziness has to do with the business model that is required to produce such a good or service.

IP legislation also has a potentially devastating effect. Because in some heavily controlled areas–specifically medicine–it takes endless years of R&D and trials before a drug or medical device is approved, resources are therefore shifted to satisfy the demands of the state rather than the demands of the market. It has become almost unimaginable to even consider that a company (or even a small independent group of scientists and inventors) could develop, test and market drugs quickly; the norm is that things must take a decade.

There are two main consequences of IP-caused distortion of what could otherwise have been a traditional entrepreneurial plan. The first is that fewer and fewer companies can adopt the “fail fast” approach that is often seen in high tech startups. Instead of devoting time and money to building prototypes and openly testing on the market, even if only on a limited, private/restricted basis, the feasibility of a product, they must invest resources away from “fail fast” and into “succeed huge.” IP destroys, at least in some industries, the ability to have agile business models that attempt to quickly test what works and what doesn’t work. Instead, we see companies spending billions of dollars and taking a decade passing government tests. Big Pharma, thus, requires Big R&D and Big Litigation, which are required because of (prior) government interventions. As can be expected, the ones hurt the most are consumers, who often have to pay huge sums of money to get their hands on a few pills.

The second consequence, which is possibly as important as the first, is that IP has a chilling effect on the possibility of adopting incremental models. There are fewer incentives to make a product better, faster, cheaper, when such a product is given a monopoly. You don’t have to improve on it (the “rest on your laurels” I mentioned above) but neither can others. Imagine a car company that decided to stop innovating their own product one day, never to receive any modification in the future. How long would it take before it goes broke? Also imagine if nobody else could improve on the idea behind such a product. The market for new cars would cease to exist. Incremental models also benefit from not having to reinvent the wheel; personnel, knowledge, production lines, distribution, etc. are already in place for specific products. It takes a small amount of resources, especially if coupled with a “fail fast” business model, to improve on something that exists, rather than having to come up with something entirely new that needs IP protection.

In a society without IP legislation, inventors would either have to become entrepreneurial themselves (as a small individual operation), partner with an already established company to bring the product to market, or form a new company around the invention, perhaps by raising venture capital or other methods. Though the same happens today, there is a big key difference–monopoly protection rights, especially patents and copyright–distort the capital and production structure of goods and services that make it to market under intellectual property protection. Resources are diverted towards litigation and “Big R&D”–both of which are the inevitable result of corporatism and other state interventions. Normally, submarginal products on the market do not tend to last long. Moreover, submarginal business models, because of their prohibitive cost, do not tend to last long in the free market. Thanks to IP, however, they do–profits are received when losses should have been incurred. Economic inefficiency, and the perpetuation of wealth-destroying business models, are the norm, at least when IP is present.

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The Chutzpah of the “Do Something” Crowd

(Austrian) Economics, Corporatism, Nanny Statism, Vulgar Politics
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Supporters of free markets are often attacked for their “Do Nothing Principle” position, which tends to deeply upset policy wonks and media talking heads alike. Obviously this is buncombe, and to the contrary it is these would-be do-somethingers who are intellectually or ideologically incapable of grasping the sweeping scope of necessary changes that free market advocates are calling for.

For example, the charge that “Hangover Theorists” are selfish moralizers who want poor and middle-class families to needlessly suffer during a recession is prima facie incorrect. The interlocutor is simply misled by my yawning enthusiasm for his policy prescriptions into thinking I have no “serious” and “realistic” plan to help society, and that I want to “do nothing.”

Do nothing you say?

To the contrary, I advocate doing a lot, including the complete abolition of the Federal Reserve, the US Treasury, the US Federal Mint, the US departments relating to labor, trade, banking, securities, etc. It is those who want to merely tweak a bit here and there who are hem-hawing over making serious policy changes, and who have the gall to accuse me of advocating to “do nothing”!

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Are Libertarians No Different Than Statists?

Corporatism, Legal System, Libertarian Theory, Nanny Statism, The Basics
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There are some seriously mistaken individuals who seem to think so. Take a quote like this:

The recognition of the insuperable limits to his knowledge ought indeed to teach the student of society a lesson in humility which should guard against him becoming an accomplice in men’s fatal striving to control society [and destroying] a civilization which no brain designed but which has grown from the free efforts of millions of individuals.
— F.A. Hayek

They say that Hayek’s insight also applies to libertarians and, for example, our attempts to “force” free trade and unregulated labor markets on “society.”

Guilds, poor laws, and limits on trade also grew from the free efforts of millions of individuals, did they not? Well, no, actually they didn’t — at least not insofar as they attempted to use the state to impose the preferences of some on others by force!

Libertarians, of course, have no quarrel with voluntary associations and such voluntary actions as charity and boycotting. But… guilds and labor unions have  tended to employ the state to impose their preferences on others; poor laws were historically and are by definition instruments of state policy; and limits on trade have historically been imposed on us by the state. There is nothing free or voluntary about them.

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Does the Amount of Money Change the Logic?

Business, Corporatism, Libertarian Theory, Pop Culture, Taxation
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“You had ample time over the last two years to make a proposal that would be fair to both sides, but you failed to do so. During the last week of the mediation, we waited the entire week for the NFL to make a new economic proposal … That proposal did not come until 12:30 (p.m.) on Friday, and, when we examined it, we found it was worse than the proposal the NFL had made the prior week when we agreed to extend the mediation.”

~ Letter from NFLPA to Commissioner Roger Goodell

While one would hope the fans and the public would understand what’s really going on with the NFL lockout, it is quite possible that not everyone will “get it.” Some people—and some libertarians—have used a somewhat misinformed, if catchy, description of the situation. That description is: The NFL lockout is millionaires fighting with billionaires over money. While certainly punchy, and containing a nugget of truth, this description also misses the point.

Consider: If this labor negotiation were between business owners and their workers in almost any other endeavor, but particularly one where the workers were paid sums of money that were more “normal,” almost no one would make such a statement. Were this ostensible dispute—it isn’t really a dispute, but more of a money-grab—between the owners of a string of car manufacturing plants and their assembly-line workers, not only would the public side with the workers, but the supposedly liberal media and some members of Congress would be crying loudly as well. Why? In those cases, it would be easy to sympathize with workers. In fact, in that scenario, it’s a safe bet that some would compare the plight of these workers with that of the Wisconsin teachers union. (That would be a huge mistake, but not one that will be explained here. Maybe in the next rant.) The amount of money has nothing to do with the logic.

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