Spike Lee’s Twitter Message About George Zimmerman and Causation under Libertarian Theory

(Austrian) Economics, Anti-Statism, Libertarian Theory
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As Bob Wenzel notes here:

I hate to say this about a fellow Knicks fan and author of one of my favorite books, Best Seat in the House: A Basketball Memoir, but Spike Lee did something really stupid.

He tweeted what he thought was the address of George Zimmerman, the shooter of Trayvon Martin. That’s dumb enough. Talk about rush to judgement and mob rule. But the idiot on top of everything else tweeted out the wrong address. It’s the address of an elderly couple [Elaine and David McClain] in the general vicinity of where Zimmerman lives, but have nothing to do with Zimmerman. They now live in justifiable fear.

If some third party aggressor had used the information supplied by Lee to harm the McLains, should Lee be liable under libertarian principles?

As a general matter, someone—say, A—is responsible prima facie only for his own actions, not those of others. That is, A is responsible for harm he directly causes. If someone else—say, B—directly commits aggression against victim C, then A is “vicariously” responsible for B’s tort or crime only if there is some special reason to impute B’s acts to A. (For more on Rothbard’s and my views on vicarious liability, respondeat superior, etc. see my posts Corporations and Limited Liability for Torts and Corporate Personhood, Limited Liability, and Double Taxation.)

In the case posited, Lee is at most indirectly or vicariously responsible for the acts of aggression committed by someone acting against the McLains using information from or acting on suggestions in Lee’s tweet. The basic question is: should Lee be considered vicariously responsible, along with the direct aggressor, for the direct aggressor’s crime? Can Lee be considered a cause of the harm done to the victim?

Most libertarians recognize that in some cases, A is vicariously responsible for B’s actions. For example: if A coerces B to harm C, then A is causally responsible for what happens to C. (B is responsible too, but maybe even less responsible than A.) Or, if A has a contract with B, such as a wife hiring a hit-man to kill her husband. But these are ad hoc exceptions, not grounded in any general theory of causal responsibility. Some, such as Walter Block, seem to believe that these are the only grounds for vicarious liability (see, e.g., Reply to “Against Libertarian Legalism” by Frank van Dun; also Rejoinder to Kinsella and Tinsley on Incitement, Causation, Aggression and Praxeology). Walter’s concern seems to be that a more general theory outside these two narrow exceptions would be contrary to Rothbard’s view that someone is not liable for “merely” “inciting” others to commit aggression (Rothbard, Self-Defense and “Human Rights” As Property Rights, in Ethics of Liberty).

I think this ad hoc approach is problematic. First, it is not general or clearly rooted in a general theory of causal responsibility. Second, there are problems with each of the two ad hoc exceptions. In the case of A coercing B, this would imply that, say, President Truman is not responsible for dropping nuclear weapons on Japan. Walter has argued that in such a case the higher-ups in the government always and necessarily are coercing the underlings down the chain of command. This does not seem correct. It could be correct, but as far as I know Truman didn’t actually carry a firearm. At most he could have ordered someone to coerce the general, to coerce the next down the line and so on. But he was not coercing the first guy he ordered. And so on. Further, it seems that Truman should be responsible even if he had not coerced anyone. If his commands were effective in a given hierarchical structure or organization, then he is causing the underling to perform certain actions.

And in the case of A hiring B to harm C—a contract is merely a transfer of title to property (A Libertarian Theory of Contract: Title Transfer, Binding Promises, and Inalienability). The Austrian theory of subjective value recognizes that a person B may value many things—not just money transferred by contract. He might value instead the possibility of sexual favors A might give him later. And so on. It seems odd and unAustrian to assert that A paying money to B is the only way of inducing B to do something that makes A responsible for it.

Pat Tinsley tried to sketch out a general theory of how to treat such matters in Causation and Aggression. We argue that in some cases A can be vicariously responsible for crimes committed directly by B (B is of course always liable too). We do not limit this to the two narrow cases noted above—A and B having a “contract,” or A coercing B. Our view is rooted in praxeology and its conception of action as the choice to employ certain causally efficacious means to achieve a given goal. We need to recognize that other humans can serve as means to action. In the free market, for example, hiring someone to provide a good or service is one way to achieve a desired end. But others can be employed as means to achieve illicit ends as well. For example, a mafia boss ordering someone to kill a victim; a wife hiring a hit man or seducing her lover to persuade him to murder the husband. But these are just example. They do not exhaust the general category.

Still: the default presumption is that only the direct actor (B) is liable or responsible for his torts/crimes. If you want to implicate  A as well, to make him also responsible for B’s action, you have to in effect show that A has used B as his “means” to accomplish the sought-after illicit goal. A has to be more than a so-called “but-for” or factual case of the harm (e.g., Hitler’s mother is a but-for cause of the Holocaust but it is not her fault). A has to be a so-called “proximate” cause. I.e., the nature of A’s action is such that it is characterized as a use of B as a means to achieve aggression against C.

Just as in the case of what kind of menacing statements may be counted as threats, determining whether only B is liable for his actions, or whether he was also a “means” for A’s action, there is a continuum and a necessity to draw lines. As Rothbard notes in Self-Defense, the threat must be direct and overt to justify a violent response. Otherwise, you get something like George W. Bush’s doctrine of preemptive self-defense used on the Iraq War. (For a discussion of the libertarian approach to preventative force, see my Knowledge, Calculation, Conflict, and Law, p. 65.)

In my view, just as a diffuse menacing statement does not count as a threat, so making generalized statements, e.g. a opinion expressed in a book that you wished people would kill red-heads, is too far removed—not “proximate” or close enough—implicate the speaker. In the case of incitement of a lynch mob, I think the inciter actually may be liable (contra Block and Rothbard). But I think the Twitter/Lee scenario is closer to the case of publishing an opinion in a book, than to inciting a mob.

Therefore, I would say that Lee is not vicariously liable in this case, though arguably it is a close call.

(Incidentally: apparently the tweet was a violation of Twitter’s terms of service. I don’t see this as relevant. At most, Lee owes Twitter some contractual penalty damages. Or, if the positive law were to [wrongly, in my view] hold Twitter liable, maybe Lee would have to contratually indemnify them. But I don’t see this as relevant to his liability to the hypothetically victimized McLains. Also: One could also say Lee has defamed the McLains; but of course defamation law is unlibertarian. See Rothbard, Knowledge, True and False.)

So at most, Lee is implicitly expressing a desire that people harm Zimmerman (well, the McLains). It’s not even explicit. But just because you say what you would like, does not mean you are causally responsible for others doing it. Of course, I do think it’s very immoral. But not all immoral actions rise to the level of rights violations.

That said, in a free society suppose Zimmerman or the McLains came to harm—I think Lee “ought” to try to make restitution, and indeed, he may be ostracized for his role in this if he does not make amends. (And, in fact, Lee has now agreed to pay private compensation to the McLains.) So in the end, in a free society, it might not matter that he is “only” morally culpable. People in a free society where ostracism and restitution are the dominant mode of enforcing law might be more willing to “punish” non-crimes, i.e. merely immoral action, since you don’t really need to justify this “punishment” as we do with real corporal punishment, since the latter is justified only in response to a rights violation. But non-violent forms of “punishment” are justifiable in response to mere immorality. So it seems to me that in a society with mostly ostracism and restitution as an enforcement mechanism, the “law” might tend to prohibit not only aggression, but also severly immoral actions (with bad consequences) like the Lee scenario. But since the law is here per assumption not backed up by force, that result should not trouble the libertarian very much. (It is possible that a private law society would actually employ punishment in a regular or institutionalized way, but it is costly. For reasons why a restitution-based system relying on ostracism would be more likely, see Fraud, Restitution, and Retaliation: The Libertarian Approach and Knowledge, Calculation, Conflict, and Law, pp. 64-65; also The Libertarian Approach to Negligence, Tort, and Strict Liability: Wergeld and Partial Wergeld.)

On the other hand: suppose harm came to the victims, and then some relative of the victims were to attacks Lee in retaliation. It is easy to imagine  a jury acquitting the relatives in their trial.

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Daily Bell Interview: Stephan Kinsella on the Logic of Libertarianism and Why Intellectual Property Doesn’t Exist

(Austrian) Economics, Anti-Statism, IP Law, Libertarian Theory, Technology
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From The Daily Bell:

 

Stephan Kinsella on the Logic of Libertarianism and Why Intellectual Property Doesn’t Exist

Sunday, March 18, 2012 – with Anthony Wile
The Daily Bell is pleased to present this exclusive interview with Stephen Kinsella (left).

Introduction: Stephan Kinsella is a libertarian scholar and attorney in Houston. The Executive Editor of Libertarian Papers and Director of the Center for the Study of Innovative Freedom (C4SIF), he is Counsel/Treasurer of the Property and Freedom Society, serves on the Advisory Panel of the Center for a Stateless Society and is also a member of the Editorial Board of Reason Papers and of The Journal of Peace, Prosperity & Freedom [Australia]. He was formerly a partner with Duane Morris LLP, General Counsel for Applied Optoelectronics, Inc. and adjunct law professor at South Texas College of Law. Stephan has published many libertarian articles and books including Property, Freedom, and Society: Essays in Honor of Hans-Hermann Hoppe (co-editor, Mises Institute, 2009), Against Intellectual Property (Mises Institute, 2008; Laissez Faire Books edition forthcoming) and the forthcoming Law in a Libertarian World: Legal Foundations of a Free Society and Copy This Book (both Laissez Faire Books). Stephan’s legal publications include International Investment, Political Risk, and Dispute Resolution: A Practitioner’s Guide (co-author, Oxford University Press, 2005), Louisiana Civil Law Dictionary (co-author, Quid Pro Books, 2011) and several other legal treatises published by Oxford University Press, Oceana Publications and West/Thompson Reuters.

Daily Bell: Give us some background on yourself. Where did you go to school? How did you become a lawyer?

Stephan Kinsella: I was from a young age interested in science, philosophy, justice, fairness and “the big questions.” I ended up majoring in electrical engineering at Louisiana State University (LSU). This was the mid-1980s. I liked engineering but over time became more and more interested in political philosophy.

In the late ’80s I started publishing columns in the LSU student newspaper, The Daily Reveille, from an explicitly libertarian perspective. As my interests became more sharply political and philosophical, my girlfriend (later wife) and friends urged me to consider law school. After all, I liked to argue. I might as well get paid for it! I was by this time in engineering grad school. Unlike many attorneys I know, I had not always wanted to be a lawyer. In fact, it had never occurred to me until my girlfriend suggested it over dinner, when I was wondering what degree I could pursue next—partly in order to avoid having to enter the workforce just yet. And also to make more money. At the time I naively thought one had to have a pre-law degree and many prerequisite courses that engineers would lack; and I feared law school would be too difficult. I remember my girlfriend’s chemical engineer father laughing out loud at my concern that law school might be more difficult than engineering.

So I walked across the LSU campus one day and talked to the vice chancellor about all this. He tried to dissuade me, saying that engineering undergrads tended to find law school difficult. But he conceded that a pre-law degree is not needed; all one needs is a BS or BA in something. I took the LSAT and did well enough to get accepted at LSU Law Center. (In the US, law is a graduate degree, the Juris Doctor, which requires an initial B.A. or B.S. degree. Because of ABA protectionism. But I digress.)

I discuss some of this in my article “How I Became A Libertarian,” LewRockwell.com (December 18, 2002), also published as “Being a Libertarian” in I Chose Liberty: Autobiographies of Contemporary Libertarians (compiled by Walter Block; Mises Institute 2010).)

I actually greatly enjoyed law school. Unlike many of my fellow law students, apparently, who seemed in agony. I was free to talk about laws, rules, human action and interaction. Norms and opinions were relevant. I enjoyed the Socratic discussion method. In one sense, it was unlike electrical engineering, which studies the impersonal behavior of subatomic particles. In law, the subject matter is acting humans and the legal norms that pertain to human action. On the other hand, I found it similar to engineering in that it was analytical and focused on solving problems. It is less mechanistic and deterministic than is engineering but it is still analytical. So if you are the type of engineer who can shift modes of thought and who is able to write and speak coherently (not all engineers are), then law school is fairly easy. By contrast, many liberal arts majors are not used to thinking analytically. The first year of law school is meant to break their spirit and remold them into the analytical, lawyer-thinking, problem-solving mold.

In any case, I became a lawyer and do not regret it. It can be lucrative and mentally stimulating. In my own case, my legal career has complemented my libertarian and scholarly interests. As Gary North has pointed out, for most people there is a difference between career and calling. Your career or occupation is what puts food on the table. Your calling is what you are passionate about – “the most important thing you can do with your life in which you are most difficult to replace.” Occasionally they are the same, but often not; but there is no reason not to arrange your life so as to have both. In my case, my various scholarly publications and networks helped my legal career if only by adding publications to my CV. And my legal knowledge and expertise, I believe, has helped to inform my libertarian theorizing.

Daily Bell: You founded your own firm. Tell us how that came about. …

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Speak English or Else

Anti-Statism, History
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In spite of global economic woes and sovereign debt crises and the run up to World War III in southwest Asia, there are some who still manage to find the time to call for English-only laws in communities across America. Most recently, areas of Minnesota and Maryland have been banging the drum to make English the only official language. The adoption of such measures, in these two places, as in most places in America, is meaningless in the practical sense because most local governments already do business in English only. But, such measures are symbolic measures designed to send a message to undesirables who are insufficiently nationalistic in their choice of language.

An obsession with forcing the citizenry to speak one government-approved language has long been central to the plans of nationalists everywhere. Nationalism, that ideology that one’s country is better than everyone else’s, and that every foreigner is just slightly less human that you, has long thrived on the completely false and unproven notion that multi-lingual societies always sit perched on the precipice of chaos. We hear this often from red-faced nationalist paranoiacs who claim that “balkanization,” which they define as the unspeakable horror of allowing people to speak languages other than the one preferred by the majority, is a road to destruction. This contention is easily proven false within seconds by simply providing counter examples. After all, we all know what war-torn hellholes Switzerland, Belgium and Canada are. The multi-lingual Austrian Empire, one of the richest and most prosperous societies in Europe for centuries, somehow survived centuries of the citizenry speaking German, Hungarian, and various Slavic languages. Unfortunately, it couldn’t survive Woodrow Wilson’s utopian meddling at Versailles.

But one doesn’t have to read tomes on European history to know what obvious nonsense is the claim that multi-lingual countries are unfeasible. Arguably, they’re much freer, because free countries allow variety that nationalist control-freak societies do not.In The Rise and Decline of the State, Martin Van Creveld notes that the idea of linguistic unity began to gain real currency toward the end of the 19th century. At that time, the ideology of the French Revolution, the idea that people in certain geographic areas should be forcibly unified under a strong state and coerced into adopting a single culture, gained a lasting foothold in Europe.

Certainly this idea was not totally new. English nationalism has been around since at least the 16th century. Thomas More found out what happens to those who insist on a more internationalist view, as did others, but it was in the 19th century that states really began to insist on cultural conformity from their own citizens and the citizens of those living in their colonies and conquered territories.

After 1870, the Italians simply made up a language based on a Tuscan variety. The French began demanding that all citizens speak the version of French spoken in Paris. Down the memory hold went languages like Piedmontese, Occitan, Mozarabic, and others.

Since the time of Queen Isabella and the reconquista, the rulers of unified Spain had been shoving Castilian down the throats of all Spaniards, and everyone in their colonies. They saw Castilian as a tool to hold the Empire together. Practically speaking, it was a good theory.

Back when the United States was a free country, it was multi-lingual, and even a cursory look at 19th-century America reveals just how pervasive was the reality of a multi-lingual society:

Louisiana was largely a French-speaking state (General Beauregard, Union Officer and later Confederate General, for example, didn’t speak English until he was 11 years old); German was widely spoken, and until World War I, and the anti-German bigotry that came with it, German-language private schools were common throughout the United States; New Mexico did not have an English-speaking majority until the 20th century; The Amish spoke the Pennsylvania German language; Many Americans of the Maine and Vermont borderlands were French-speakers only.

The reality of a multi-lingual society has been written into state constitutions as well. The original Colorado Constitution of 1876, for example, specifically mandates that laws shall be reproduced in three languages:

“Article XVIII, sec 8 (1876):

“The general assembly shall provide for publication of the laws passed at each session thereof; and until the year 1900, they shall cause to be published in Spanish and German a sufficient number of copies of said laws to supply that portion of the inhabitants of the State who speak those languages and who may be unable to read and understand the English language.”

We can also note that the rules of naturalization were a bit looser. Note the requirements for becoming a voter:

Article VII section 1 (1876)

“[The voter] shall be a citizen of the United States, or not being a citizen of the United States, he shall have declared his intention, according to law, to become such citizen, not less than four months before he offers to vote.”

One can only imagine and hackles raised by right-wing populists if a state today tried to adopt an amendment calling for all laws to be published in three languages.

Speak English or Else Read Post »

Jeff Tucker on Reddit’s “Ask Me Anything”

(Austrian) Economics, Anti-Statism, IP Law, Libertarian Theory, Technology
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Jeff Tucker was invited to submit a video reply to the most popular questions submitted to him via a Reddit “Ask Me Anything” thread. See feedback on Part I; the two video parts are below. Fascinating interview from one of my favorite modern libertarians and a good friend. In the interview he argues that “Stefan (Molyneux) is one of the single most influential libertarian thinkers of our times” (21:30 – 22:00) and also has nice things to say about Hoppe, Higgs, and me (11:00-14:50). Good discussion of IP in Part I at about 9:15, and again at 22:00, and also at 11:00-14:50 in Part II, and many other stimulating comments.

Jeffrey Tucker’s Answers to “Ask me anything” Reddit thread – Part I from Jeffrey Tucker on Vimeo.

Jeffrey Tucker’s Answers to “Ask me anything” Reddit thread – Part 2 from Jeffrey Tucker on Vimeo.

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Goodbye, Mises Blog

(Austrian) Economics, Anti-Statism, Libertarian Theory, Technology
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Over on the Mises Blog, my friend Peter Klein has posted its last post … ever. It’s being shut down. As Peter notes, “it went live on May 5, 2003. Since then, it has hosted 16,647 posts and 234,839 comments and become one of the highest-ranked economics blogs on the internet …” I authored 826 of those 16,647 blog posts. The blog is being replaced by a new “streamlined opinion blog, the Circle Bastiat,” which David Gordon explains here. Goodbye, Mises Blog! Welcome and good luck, Circle Bastiat!

The End of an Era

March 11, 2012 by

The Mises Blog went live on May 5, 2003. Since then, it has hosted 16,647 posts and 234,839 comments and become one of the highest-ranked economics blogs on the internet, thanks to a fantastic slate of authors and an eager, informed, and intelligent community of readers, commentators, and friends. Thanks so much to all of you for making this possible.

As use of the blogosphere, Facebook, Twitter, and similar tools has exploded in the last few years, the need for a large, diverse, and busy group blog hosted at mises.org has diminished. We all have many channels for sharing news and views, and the formal, “traditional” organizational blog has become a little old fashioned. Therefore we’ve decided to close the Mises blog and replace it with smaller, lighter, more focused, streams — a news feed and a streamlined opinion blog, the Circle Bastiat. The Mises blog archives will remain on the site now and forever.

Thanks again for being part of the Mises community!

 

The Circle Bastiat

Posted by on Mar 9, 2012 | 0 comments

The Circle Bastiat, which flourished from 1953-1959, was a group of Murray Rothbard’s closest friends and disciples. Ralph Raico and George Reisman, while still in high school, began to attend Ludwig von Mises’s famous seminar at New York University. There they met Murray Rothbard, then working on his doctoral dissertation at Columbia, who had been an active member of the seminar for several years.

Raico and Reisman, impressed by Rothbard’s intellect, learning, and personality, soon became fast friends with him. They met him for long conversations, which ranged widely over economics, history, politics, and philosophy, after the seminar.

They were joined within about a year by Leonard Liggio, who had worked with Raico in the Robert Taft presidential campaign, and a little later by Ronald Hamowy, who had been friends since elementary school with Reisman. Robert Hessen also became part of the group, and sometimes Raico brought his friend, the philosopher Bruce Goldberg, to the discussions. (A couple of less well-known people also participated.) The friends met regularly at Rothbard’s Manhattan apartment and called themselves the Circle Bastiat, after the great nineteenth-century French classical liberal and economist. The Circle came to an end after Raico departed for graduate study at the University of Chicago in 1959; Reisman and Hessen had left the previous year.

The Circle was notable not only for high intellectual quality but also for the remarkable good humor and camaraderie of the members. We have decided to name this blog after the Circle, both as a tribute and to set an ideal for participants to emulate.

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