New Copyright Rules Released

IP Law
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Intellectual property, especially copyright and patents, is purely fictitious, a construction of the State. Stephan Kinsella has definitively proved such in his paper Against Intellectual Property.

Nevertheless, the US government continues to prop up this inefficient and unethical practice. Under the Digital Millennium Copyright Act, many lives have been ruined by the bad side of corps, full of lawyers hunting for cash. We all know of the old ladies and teenagers who receive verdicts requiring them to pay obscene amounts of money for such non-crimes.

Well, some new rules coming straight from the Library of Congress are sure to help alleviate a few of these problems. Essentially, the Librarian of Congress must evaluate exemptions to the DMCA every 3 years, i.e. you cannot be prosecuted, period, if you do these things. Previously, there had only been one exemption recognized. Now, there are SIX exemptions, and the first three are quite significant.

The basics of each exemption:
1) You can rip your own DVDs. You can remix scenes for noncommercial use. So all those Hitler-plus-caption remixes from the movie Downfall no longer can be taken down. Teachers who want to use a movie in a class can rip it. No one from the DMCA can touch you.
2) You can jailbreak your phone, nobody can prosecute you. Big swipe at Apple/AT&T.
3) You can use software to unlock your phone for use on a different network.
4) You can use software to crack game SecuROMs or other game DRM for the purpose of “investigation” or research. The language is very broad, since even curiosity can prompt “investigation.”
5) You can use cracks to bypass a hardware dongle. This is significant for people like me who use lab equipment or any variety of peripherals with stupid dongles.
6) You can crack DRM encrypted ebooks to use text-to-speech capabilities. Convenient.

Gizmodo has a more thorough analysis here.

These new rules surely do not go far enough, but thankfully things are not becoming more restrictive in this arena. But we need to continue pushing back, so keep spreading the word!

Cross-posted at LibertarianChristians.com.

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Purchasing power gains or losses respective to the U.S. of several countries

(Austrian) Economics, Mercantilism, Protectionism
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Market-oriented reforms such as privatization, deregulation and tariff decreases being the clear and unequivocal factors.

In PPP terms, asigning a quotient of 1 to the U.S.

Country         1980     1994     2008

United States      1.000       1.000       1.000
Australia                 .841           .770          .837
Canada                     .905          .818           .843
Britain                      .688          .705           .765
France                      .780          .730           .713
Germany                 .803          .812           .763
Italy                          .756          .754           .675
Sweden                    .868          .777           .794
Switzerland          1.146          .987           .915

Asia

Hong Kong            .547          .845           .948
Japan                       .732           .815           .736
Singapore              .577           .899         1.064

Latin America

Argentina              .395           .300          .309
Chile                        .210            .251           .311

Source: World Bank.

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Article: The Property And Freedom Society — Reflections After Five Years

(Austrian) Economics, Anti-Statism, Articles, Vulgar Politics
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This article is an edited version of Professor Hans-Hermann Hoppe’s opening address to the Fifth Annual Meeting of the Property and Freedom Society (PFS) held in Bodrum, Turkey at the Hotel Karia Princess, June 3-7, 2010. The address provides an insightful overview of various libertarian alliances and strategies over past decades, including the paleo-libertarian/paleo-conservative alliance, and reasons for its failure. Hoppe illustrates how the state has coopted even most free market think tanks into serving the state’s aims, because they are not radical enough and their principal addressee is the central government. Hoppe argues (a) that libertarians must not put their trust in politicians or get distracted by politics and (b) using the case of Pat Buchanan as an example, that it is impossible to have a lasting intellectual association with people (such as some conservatives) who are either unwilling or incapable of grasping the principles of economics.

In view of these insights and this history, Hoppe surveys the brief history of the PFS and sets out its basic purposes.

Read the Full Article by Hans-Hermann Hoppe

Afterwards, discuss the article below.

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Hoppe: The Property And Freedom Society — Reflections After Five Years

(Austrian) Economics, Anti-Statism, Democracy, Immigration, Political Correctness, The Left, The Right, Vulgar Politics
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I was privileged to attend to the Fifth Annual Meeting of the Property and Freedom Society last week. It was held in beautiful Bodrum, Turkey at the Hotel Karia Princess, from June 3-7, 2010. The list of speakers may be found in the Program. This is my second, having also attended the inaugural meeting in 2006. I’ll put up another blog soon with more details about the event, but for now let me say it was without a doubt the best liberty related event I’ve ever attended. And two of my fellow TLS co-bloggers also attended–Gil Guillory and Juan Fernando Carpio.

Group photo2 from the Fifth Annual Meeting, June 2010, Hotel Karia Princess, Bodrum
Group photo from the Fifth Annual Meeting, June 2010, Hotel Karia Princess, Bodrum

Professor Hoppe’s opening address, “The Property And Freedom Society — Reflections After Five Years,” is published here on The Libertarian Standard today. It’s a fascinating, informative, and perceptive overview of various libertarian paleo- and related alliances over the years.

Hoppe surveys the mistakes of former alliances, and lessons learned; and also devastatingly illustrates how the state has coopted even most free market think tanks into serving the state’s aims:

The strategy of Hayek and of the Mont Pelerin Society, then, had to fail. Instead of helping to reform—liberalize—the (Western) State, as they intended (or pretended?) to do, the Mont Pelerin Society and the international “limited-government” think-tank industry would become an integral part of a continuously expanding welfare-warfare state system.

Indicators for this verdict abound: The typical location of the think tanks is in or near the capital city, most prominently Washington, DC., because their principal addressee is the central government. They react to measures and announcements of government, and they suggest and make proposals to government. Most contacts of think-tankers outside their own institution are with politicians, government bureaucrats, lobbyists, and assorted staffers and assistants. Along with connected journalists, these are also the regular attendees of their conferences, briefings, receptions and cocktail parties. There is a steady exchange of personnel between think tanks and governments. And the leaders of the limited government industry are frequently themselves prominent members of the power elite and the ruling class.

Most indicative of all: For decades, the limited government movement has been a growth industry. Its annual expenditures currently run in the hundreds of millions of dollars, and billions of dollars likely have been spent in total. All the while, government expenditures never and nowhere fell, not even once, but instead always and uninterruptedly increased to ever more dizzying heights.

And yet, this glaring failure of the industry to deliver the promised good of limited government is not punished but, perversely, rewarded with still more ample funds. The more the think tanks fail, the more money they get.

The State and the free market think tank industry thus live in perfect harmony with each other. They grow together, in tandem.

As for lessons learned:

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An Astounding New Theory of Regulation

Corporatism, Democracy, Legal System
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The usual theory for the need of regulation — and by this I mean micromanaging regulation, not the erection and maintenance of rule-of-law standards — is “market failure.” Economists of a skeptical bent note that most of the egregious practices that seem to require regulation are better seen as simple acts of rights violations (as in the case of fraud) or rational acts in a context where rights have not been firmly established (as in a property commons). The rational response, in both cases, would be to install and maintain institutional practices that define and defend rights, property rights in particular.

Against this position, Paul Krugman:

[T]he libertarian alternative to regulation — just use tort law to make people pay for the damage they cause — doesn’t work in practice, because when push comes to shove politicians will shield the rich and powerful from paying the real cost.

So Krugman’s case for robust regulation is not market failure, nor institutional failure due to a lack of articulation of good rules, but, instead, a clear-cut case of political failure. The market could work, he’s saying, if politicians would let basic government institutions (legal adjudication, in particular) and employees do their work.

Quite an admission, it seems to me.

I have not been following Krugman’s posts on the subject. But he goes on to relate the state of the debate he’s having on his blog:

Commenters say, but isn’t that an equally strong reason to believe that regulation won’t work either?

And at this point we should expect a careful refutation of Kenneth Arrow’s mathematical demonstration why democratic politics cannot ever articulate a constant standard.

No such luck. Instead we get this:

Well, here’s the thing: regulation demonstrably does work where tort law doesn’t. Consider the environmental issue: in reality, the perpetrators of oil spills never pay most of the cost; but in reality, environmental regulation has led to much cleaner air and water. (Look up the history of Los Angeles smog or the fate of Lake Erie if you don’t believe me.)

So why does regulation work? If polluters can buy off the system ex post, after a disaster, why don’t they manage to totally corrupt regulation ex ante? There’s a lot to say about that, and I’m sure there’s a literature I haven’t read. But one thing we tend to forget in this age of Reagan is the importance and virtues of a dedicated bureaucracy: when you have professional government agencies with a job to do, and treat them with respect, that job often gets done.

Regulation does work better in some cases. That seems easy to explain. Why does it work as well as it does? Because it’s allowed to.

It’s rather like saying “private guards and adjudicators cannot control crime as well as the thugs we place on the police force, because our police force regularly beats up the private guards and adjudicators.”

Or saying, as some antebellum whites did say, “Africans-Americans are not capable of learning, so we must keep them as slaves,” while preventing them from accessing the tools of education.

And yes, there’s a vast literature that Krugman has not read. I haven’t read all of it, either. But I’m at least aware of it, and can provide citations, should Krugman actually have an interest in doing some actual research, rather than shoot from the hip.

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