Causation

As Bob Wenzel notes here:

I hate to say this about a fellow Knicks fan and author of one of my favorite books, Best Seat in the House: A Basketball Memoir, but Spike Lee did something really stupid.

He tweeted what he thought was the address of George Zimmerman, the shooter of Trayvon Martin. That’s dumb enough. Talk about rush to judgement and mob rule. But the idiot on top of everything else tweeted out the wrong address. It’s the address of an elderly couple [Elaine and David McClain] in the general vicinity of where Zimmerman lives, but have nothing to do with Zimmerman. They now live in justifiable fear.

If some third party aggressor had used the information supplied by Lee to harm the McLains, should Lee be liable under libertarian principles?

As a general matter, someone—say, A—is responsible prima facie only for his own actions, not those of others. That is, A is responsible for harm he directly causes. If someone else—say, B—directly commits aggression against victim C, then A is “vicariously” responsible for B’s tort or crime only if there is some special reason to impute B’s acts to A. (For more on Rothbard’s and my views on vicarious liability, respondeat superior, etc. see my posts Corporations and Limited Liability for Torts and Corporate Personhood, Limited Liability, and Double Taxation.)

In the case posited, Lee is at most indirectly or vicariously responsible for the acts of aggression committed by someone acting against the McLains using information from or acting on suggestions in Lee’s tweet. The basic question is: should Lee be considered vicariously responsible, along with the direct aggressor, for the direct aggressor’s crime? Can Lee be considered a cause of the harm done to the victim?

Most libertarians recognize that in some cases, A is vicariously responsible for B’s actions. For example: if A coerces B to harm C, then A is causally responsible for what happens to C. (B is responsible too, but maybe even less responsible than A.) Or, if A has a contract with B, such as a wife hiring a hit-man to kill her husband. But these are ad hoc exceptions, not grounded in any general theory of causal responsibility. Some, such as Walter Block, seem to believe that these are the only grounds for vicarious liability (see, e.g., Reply to “Against Libertarian Legalism” by Frank van Dun; also Rejoinder to Kinsella and Tinsley on Incitement, Causation, Aggression and Praxeology). Walter’s concern seems to be that a more general theory outside these two narrow exceptions would be contrary to Rothbard’s view that someone is not liable for “merely” “inciting” others to commit aggression (Rothbard, Self-Defense and “Human Rights” As Property Rights, in Ethics of Liberty).

I think this ad hoc approach is problematic. First, it is not general or clearly rooted in a general theory of causal responsibility. Second, there are problems with each of the two ad hoc exceptions. In the case of A coercing B, this would imply that, say, President Truman is not responsible for dropping nuclear weapons on Japan. Walter has argued that in such a case the higher-ups in the government always and necessarily are coercing the underlings down the chain of command. This does not seem correct. It could be correct, but as far as I know Truman didn’t actually carry a firearm. At most he could have ordered someone to coerce the general, to coerce the next down the line and so on. But he was not coercing the first guy he ordered. And so on. Further, it seems that Truman should be responsible even if he had not coerced anyone. If his commands were effective in a given hierarchical structure or organization, then he is causing the underling to perform certain actions.

And in the case of A hiring B to harm C—a contract is merely a transfer of title to property (A Libertarian Theory of Contract: Title Transfer, Binding Promises, and Inalienability). The Austrian theory of subjective value recognizes that a person B may value many things—not just money transferred by contract. He might value instead the possibility of sexual favors A might give him later. And so on. It seems odd and unAustrian to assert that A paying money to B is the only way of inducing B to do something that makes A responsible for it.

Pat Tinsley tried to sketch out a general theory of how to treat such matters in Causation and Aggression. We argue that in some cases A can be vicariously responsible for crimes committed directly by B (B is of course always liable too). We do not limit this to the two narrow cases noted above—A and B having a “contract,” or A coercing B. Our view is rooted in praxeology and its conception of action as the choice to employ certain causally efficacious means to achieve a given goal. We need to recognize that other humans can serve as means to action. In the free market, for example, hiring someone to provide a good or service is one way to achieve a desired end. But others can be employed as means to achieve illicit ends as well. For example, a mafia boss ordering someone to kill a victim; a wife hiring a hit man or seducing her lover to persuade him to murder the husband. But these are just example. They do not exhaust the general category.

Still: the default presumption is that only the direct actor (B) is liable or responsible for his torts/crimes. If you want to implicate  A as well, to make him also responsible for B’s action, you have to in effect show that A has used B as his “means” to accomplish the sought-after illicit goal. A has to be more than a so-called “but-for” or factual case of the harm (e.g., Hitler’s mother is a but-for cause of the Holocaust but it is not her fault). A has to be a so-called “proximate” cause. I.e., the nature of A’s action is such that it is characterized as a use of B as a means to achieve aggression against C.

Just as in the case of what kind of menacing statements may be counted as threats, determining whether only B is liable for his actions, or whether he was also a “means” for A’s action, there is a continuum and a necessity to draw lines. As Rothbard notes in Self-Defense, the threat must be direct and overt to justify a violent response. Otherwise, you get something like George W. Bush’s doctrine of preemptive self-defense used on the Iraq War. (For a discussion of the libertarian approach to preventative force, see my Knowledge, Calculation, Conflict, and Law, p. 65.)

In my view, just as a diffuse menacing statement does not count as a threat, so making generalized statements, e.g. a opinion expressed in a book that you wished people would kill red-heads, is too far removed—not “proximate” or close enough—implicate the speaker. In the case of incitement of a lynch mob, I think the inciter actually may be liable (contra Block and Rothbard). But I think the Twitter/Lee scenario is closer to the case of publishing an opinion in a book, than to inciting a mob.

Therefore, I would say that Lee is not vicariously liable in this case, though arguably it is a close call.

(Incidentally: apparently the tweet was a violation of Twitter’s terms of service. I don’t see this as relevant. At most, Lee owes Twitter some contractual penalty damages. Or, if the positive law were to [wrongly, in my view] hold Twitter liable, maybe Lee would have to contratually indemnify them. But I don’t see this as relevant to his liability to the hypothetically victimized McLains. Also: One could also say Lee has defamed the McLains; but of course defamation law is unlibertarian. See Rothbard, Knowledge, True and False.)

So at most, Lee is implicitly expressing a desire that people harm Zimmerman (well, the McLains). It’s not even explicit. But just because you say what you would like, does not mean you are causally responsible for others doing it. Of course, I do think it’s very immoral. But not all immoral actions rise to the level of rights violations.

That said, in a free society suppose Zimmerman or the McLains came to harm—I think Lee “ought” to try to make restitution, and indeed, he may be ostracized for his role in this if he does not make amends. (And, in fact, Lee has now agreed to pay private compensation to the McLains.) So in the end, in a free society, it might not matter that he is “only” morally culpable. People in a free society where ostracism and restitution are the dominant mode of enforcing law might be more willing to “punish” non-crimes, i.e. merely immoral action, since you don’t really need to justify this “punishment” as we do with real corporal punishment, since the latter is justified only in response to a rights violation. But non-violent forms of “punishment” are justifiable in response to mere immorality. So it seems to me that in a society with mostly ostracism and restitution as an enforcement mechanism, the “law” might tend to prohibit not only aggression, but also severly immoral actions (with bad consequences) like the Lee scenario. But since the law is here per assumption not backed up by force, that result should not trouble the libertarian very much. (It is possible that a private law society would actually employ punishment in a regular or institutionalized way, but it is costly. For reasons why a restitution-based system relying on ostracism would be more likely, see Fraud, Restitution, and Retaliation: The Libertarian Approach and Knowledge, Calculation, Conflict, and Law, pp. 64-65; also The Libertarian Approach to Negligence, Tort, and Strict Liability: Wergeld and Partial Wergeld.)

On the other hand: suppose harm came to the victims, and then some relative of the victims were to attacks Lee in retaliation. It is easy to imagine  a jury acquitting the relatives in their trial.

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From The Daily Bell:

 

Stephan Kinsella on the Logic of Libertarianism and Why Intellectual Property Doesn’t Exist

Sunday, March 18, 2012 – with Anthony Wile
The Daily Bell is pleased to present this exclusive interview with Stephen Kinsella (left).

Introduction: Stephan Kinsella is a libertarian scholar and attorney in Houston. The Executive Editor of Libertarian Papers and Director of the Center for the Study of Innovative Freedom (C4SIF), he is Counsel/Treasurer of the Property and Freedom Society, serves on the Advisory Panel of the Center for a Stateless Society and is also a member of the Editorial Board of Reason Papers and of The Journal of Peace, Prosperity & Freedom [Australia]. He was formerly a partner with Duane Morris LLP, General Counsel for Applied Optoelectronics, Inc. and adjunct law professor at South Texas College of Law. Stephan has published many libertarian articles and books including Property, Freedom, and Society: Essays in Honor of Hans-Hermann Hoppe (co-editor, Mises Institute, 2009), Against Intellectual Property (Mises Institute, 2008; Laissez Faire Books edition forthcoming) and the forthcoming Law in a Libertarian World: Legal Foundations of a Free Society and Copy This Book (both Laissez Faire Books). Stephan’s legal publications include International Investment, Political Risk, and Dispute Resolution: A Practitioner’s Guide (co-author, Oxford University Press, 2005), Louisiana Civil Law Dictionary (co-author, Quid Pro Books, 2011) and several other legal treatises published by Oxford University Press, Oceana Publications and West/Thompson Reuters.

Daily Bell: Give us some background on yourself. Where did you go to school? How did you become a lawyer?

Stephan Kinsella: I was from a young age interested in science, philosophy, justice, fairness and “the big questions.” I ended up majoring in electrical engineering at Louisiana State University (LSU). This was the mid-1980s. I liked engineering but over time became more and more interested in political philosophy.

In the late ’80s I started publishing columns in the LSU student newspaper, The Daily Reveille, from an explicitly libertarian perspective. As my interests became more sharply political and philosophical, my girlfriend (later wife) and friends urged me to consider law school. After all, I liked to argue. I might as well get paid for it! I was by this time in engineering grad school. Unlike many attorneys I know, I had not always wanted to be a lawyer. In fact, it had never occurred to me until my girlfriend suggested it over dinner, when I was wondering what degree I could pursue next—partly in order to avoid having to enter the workforce just yet. And also to make more money. At the time I naively thought one had to have a pre-law degree and many prerequisite courses that engineers would lack; and I feared law school would be too difficult. I remember my girlfriend’s chemical engineer father laughing out loud at my concern that law school might be more difficult than engineering.

So I walked across the LSU campus one day and talked to the vice chancellor about all this. He tried to dissuade me, saying that engineering undergrads tended to find law school difficult. But he conceded that a pre-law degree is not needed; all one needs is a BS or BA in something. I took the LSAT and did well enough to get accepted at LSU Law Center. (In the US, law is a graduate degree, the Juris Doctor, which requires an initial B.A. or B.S. degree. Because of ABA protectionism. But I digress.)

I discuss some of this in my article “How I Became A Libertarian,” LewRockwell.com (December 18, 2002), also published as “Being a Libertarian” in I Chose Liberty: Autobiographies of Contemporary Libertarians (compiled by Walter Block; Mises Institute 2010).)

I actually greatly enjoyed law school. Unlike many of my fellow law students, apparently, who seemed in agony. I was free to talk about laws, rules, human action and interaction. Norms and opinions were relevant. I enjoyed the Socratic discussion method. In one sense, it was unlike electrical engineering, which studies the impersonal behavior of subatomic particles. In law, the subject matter is acting humans and the legal norms that pertain to human action. On the other hand, I found it similar to engineering in that it was analytical and focused on solving problems. It is less mechanistic and deterministic than is engineering but it is still analytical. So if you are the type of engineer who can shift modes of thought and who is able to write and speak coherently (not all engineers are), then law school is fairly easy. By contrast, many liberal arts majors are not used to thinking analytically. The first year of law school is meant to break their spirit and remold them into the analytical, lawyer-thinking, problem-solving mold.

In any case, I became a lawyer and do not regret it. It can be lucrative and mentally stimulating. In my own case, my legal career has complemented my libertarian and scholarly interests. As Gary North has pointed out, for most people there is a difference between career and calling. Your career or occupation is what puts food on the table. Your calling is what you are passionate about – “the most important thing you can do with your life in which you are most difficult to replace.” Occasionally they are the same, but often not; but there is no reason not to arrange your life so as to have both. In my case, my various scholarly publications and networks helped my legal career if only by adding publications to my CV. And my legal knowledge and expertise, I believe, has helped to inform my libertarian theorizing.

Daily Bell: You founded your own firm. Tell us how that came about. [Keep reading…]

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The politics of the left-oriented Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement, like that of the right-oriented modern Tea Party movement, is not very well defined. But one of the things some of the OWS participants are calling for in their list of “demands” is an end to “corporate personhood.” In this they echo the views of left-libertarians who contend that state-chartered “corporations” are the source of grave social ills.

Some of these issues were recently debated on the pages of Roderick Long’s blog, in the comments to his post “Double Standard.” Left-libertarians who oppose incorporation, and usually also “capitalism,” argue that firms derive some great benefit from the state by the privilege of incorporation. The standard leftist critique of the corporation is the “concession” theory outlined by Robert Hessen in his seminal study In Defense of the Corporation (see a key excerpt from pp. 18-21). They argue that the state grants to corporations three features: entity status, perpetual duration, and limited liability to shareholders, all of which are artificial and would not exist absent state intervention. Left-libertarians maintain that these privileges grant corporations more power than they otherwise would have, which distorts the market, nay, society in general. This gives rise to more “hierarchy” and “authoritarianism” than would prevail in what Hans-Hermann Hoppe calls a private law society, and indeed, to “exploitation” of the workers by the bourgeoisie.

The Alleged “Privileges” of Incorporation

Labor Theory of Value

There are several problems with the left-libertarian and leftist critiques of corporations. One is the acceptance of a Marxian-type labor theory of value—the idea that employers per se “steal” or exploit from workers the “social surplus product”—a discredited, hoary, unscientific view based on deeply flawed economics.

Entity Status

And as Hessen has pointed out, each of the three corporate features pointed to as a state-granted privilege—entity status, perpetual duration, and limited liability for shareholders—can be created purely by private contract. As for entity status (being able to represent the firm in lawsuits or for property ownership purposes, in the firm’s name) this is just a convenient legal fiction that could be created by means of trustees, or other contractual techniques (including agreements with private defense agencies, insurance companies, arbitral agencies, and the like). In any case, even stripped of this procedural convenience, firms could still organize themselves as joint stock companies or “corporations”.

Perpetual Duration

Hessen also easily disposes of the myth that perpetual duration is a privilege granted by the state; this can be achieved easily by means of continuity agreements and the like.

Limited Liability

The big objection to corporations is usually limited liability for shareholders. [Keep reading…]

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Study Libertarian Legal Theory Online with Stephan Kinsella

by December 6, 2010

From the Mises Blog: Study Libertarian Legal Theory Online with Stephan Kinsella December 6, 2010 by J. Grayson Lilburne Murray Rothbard wrote in the preface of his The Ethics of Liberty: “While the book establishes the general outlines of a system of libertarian law, however, it is only an outline, a prolegomenon to what I [...]

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