Tuesday, September 28, 2010

Over this past summer I read William M. Johnston’s ‘The Austrian Mind‘. This scholarly work amply demonstrates Johnston’s vast erudition in the intellectual history of the Austrian-Hungarian empire during the Victorian era, or better yet, the Franz-Josephian era. I wanted to highlight  a comparison that Johnston draws between the attitudes of that era’s medical establishments focus on diagnosis rather than treatment, with the classical liberal stance of non-intervention with market activities.

“The indifference to human life, which as late as 1900 afflicted the General Hospital, both contradicted and reinforced other Viennese attitudes… Disease comprised part of life: the task of doctors was not to eradicate it but merely to understand it. Refusal by nineteenth-century physicians to intervene in natural processes paralleled the reluctance of many Austrians to participate in politics. Likewise, the preference of Carl Menger and Ludwig von Mises for an unimpeded market seemed to corroborate the medical dictum, “The essential is to do no harm” (Primum est non nocere). -Pages 228-229

The comparison is not entirely unfair, and certain qualities do correspond one another in a pleasing manner. For one, the quoted medical dictum is strikingly similar to Virgil’s oft-quoted aphorism “Tu ne cede malis sed contra audentior ito“, the motto by which Mises strived his life’s work.

‘Therapeutic nihilism’, as Johnston explained elsewhere, ”[i]n medicine this phrase denoted systematic refusal to prescribe remedies for fear of perpetuating quack cures.” Later, he expounds on the unintentional side effect wrought by this passive attitude– “[i]t was a more cold-blooded self-mastery that impelled the Vienna anatomists to launch modern medicine. By sweeping away the post hoc, ergo propter hoc fallacies that had vitiated earlier therapy, they enabled the next generation to implement empirical pharmacology.”

It is eminently reasonable to compare this cold, medical attitude to the laissez-faire position that identified the policies of an interventionist state to be “quack cures”. Instead, the body politic would stop impeding the system’s endogenous recovery by simply refraining from coercive, property-invading measures, and thus allowing the market to work things out.

From the context I’m not entirely clear of Johnston’s intentions, and whether his distaste of the hands-off medical ethos carried over into the socio-political side of the analogy and so to be charitable I won’t presume this to be the case. Yet, someone less forgiving than I can read from these passages an insinuation that relying on the market’s “natural processes” is insufficient [i.e., the market is not perfectly self-regulating], and that it is therefore ripe for a dose of ‘empirical pharmacology’ to improve things.

Now, unlike a doctor, an economist is a practitioner of a wertfrei science and as such would be overstepping the boundaries of his discipline if he were to proclaim a market to be “imperfect” or “inefficient”. Perfect/imperfect implies a comparison to some other situation, and whether or not that situation is to be preferred is strictly a matter of a subjective value judgment.

Yet, even if one were to concede the point that markets are sometimes flawed, this still would not support the notion that a central planner could or would be able to do a better job of making the market more perfect. If anything, Mises’s famous calculation argument showed that this would be an impossible task.

In conclusion, there is no reason to think that modern empirical economics is anything other than the same old quack medicine with a veneer of respectability.

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In my first blog post here I pointed out how statism and monopolies had affected language. There is more to be said about this.

It’s not just candidates who invade our homes with political propaganda and petitions for votes. It’s also the almost exclusively pro-state media and academics. 2010 being an election year, rhetoric is rampant. Indeed, discussions about taxes and spending are all too common (and all too sad). And tax talk, of course, is not free of the very same examples of language corruption that allows the existence of certain ways that we speak about taxes and the desire for them.

Take the statement, “taxes give us roads and police.” Putting aside the monopoly aspects, what seldom gets asked is whether roads and police are needed, how much and of what quality. When someone complains about taxes or government spending, soon enough the reply will have to do about us being able to have bridges and other services. Sure, tax money goes to those and thousands of other projects.

Imagine a similar situation in everyday life. We go to the grocery store with a shopping list. The first item is “apples.” Fine–we need apples. But the list only says that. We do not know how many apples, what size, kind, or how fresh they should be. What about price? Whenever statists speak of roads, schools, bridges, police, education, health care, or anything else “offered” by the state, there is no specific mention of the multitude of aspects that a market entrepreneur would have to figure out (such as quality, quantity, etc.). Society needs such and such. That is all. Maybe there are too many schools. Maybe there aren’t enough. Where should they be located? How many students? What about curricula

One can go on and on about such minutia yet the point remains–the populous is not sold (or offered really, as these are taxes after all) a specific amount or number of goods or services but rather abstract, homogeneous, indistinct, monolithic blobs. While the entrepreneur risks scarce goods (time, labor, capital) trying to determine future market conditions to provide his fellow man with a good or service, the political process promises vacuous public works which are, due to the way they are financed and allocated, necessarily inefficient, for they bear no resemblance to what you and I and everyone else wants. (Not to mention that for every government project there is an army of bureaucrats making decisions “on our behalf,” somehow a) reading the minds of all of society; and b) trying to average out our desires. The result, far from being what “the people want” is rather what the lobbyists and politicians want.)

These days the hot topic is employment, with candidates/potential busybodies-tyrants promising an endless supply of jobs. The next time someone promises “jobs,” be aware of how corrupted (and corrupting) that sounds.

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Also legislators’ needs for campaign contributions.

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This is a syndicated post, which originally appeared at Mimi and Eunice » IPView original post.

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